Better grasp and utilize the historical experience of the Party's centenary struggle ※

Xi Jinping

　　The purpose of the special seminar hosted by the Party Central Committee is to thoroughly study and understand the resolution of the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, to better grasp and utilize the historical experience of the Party's centenary struggle, to carry forward the great founding spirit of the Party, to mobilize the people of all ethnic groups across the country to strengthen their confidence and forge ahead courageously, and to strive tirelessly for the realization of the Party's second centenary goal.

　　Regarding the study and implementation of the spirit of the plenary session, I have already made demands on many occasions. At the first plenary session of the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, I spoke about the Party Central Committee's consideration of the plenary session's topics, emphasizing the necessity, importance, and key issues to be grasped in formulating the Party's third historical resolution. At the second plenary session of the plenary session, I emphasized that we should consolidate the achievements of Party history learning and education by focusing on learning the spirit of the plenary session, deeply understand the significance of summarizing the major achievements and historical experiences of the Party's centenary struggle, deeply understand the original mission of the Party's centenary struggle, deeply understand the historical achievements and historical changes of the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, deeply understand the historical experience of the Party's centenary struggle, and deeply understand the important requirements of learning from history and creating the future, guiding the vast number of cadres and the masses to accurately grasp the main theme, main line, and essence of the Party's historical development, drawing wisdom and strength from the Party's struggle, strengthening historical confidence, consciously upholding ideals and beliefs, upholding the Party's political construction, always maintaining the Party's unity and unity, firmly shouldering responsibilities, continuously enhancing the will and ability to wage great struggles, upholding self-revolution, and ensuring that the Party does not change its nature, color, or flavor. Not long ago, the Central Political Bureau held a special democratic life meeting on Party history learning and education, and I emphasized that conducting summaries, learning, education, and publicity of Party history is to increase historical confidence, enhance unity and unity, and enhance the spirit of struggle, and particularly emphasized that comrades in the Central Political Bureau must consciously practice their original mission, firmly uphold their ideals and beliefs, uphold the authority and centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, ensure that the Party's theories, lines, principles, and policies are in line with reality, and take the lead in implementing the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee.

　　This is a special seminar, and since it is a seminar, I would like to focus on 5 issues based on studying the plenary session resolution with you.

　　 The first issue: Promoting the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism

　　For a nation to be at the forefront of the times, it cannot be without theoretical thinking, and it cannot be without the guidance of correct ideas. Why can the Chinese Communist Party succeed, and why is socialism with Chinese characteristics so good? Ultimately, it is because Marxism works. The reason why Marxism works is that the Party constantly promotes the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism and uses it to guide practice.

　　The resolution of this plenary session makes a comprehensive summary of the Party's continuous promotion of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism in the centenary struggle, emphasizing that Mao Zedong Thought is the creative application and development of Marxism-Leninism in China, and is the first historical leap in the Sinicization of Marxism; emphasizing that during the practice of reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping Theory was established, the important thought of "Three Represents" and the Scientific Outlook on Development were formed, the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics was formed, and a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism was achieved; emphasizing that in the new era, the Party has put forward a series of original new concepts, new ideas, and new strategies for governing the country, establishing the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and achieving a new leap in the Sinicization of Marxism. In summarizing the historical experience of the Party's centenary struggle, the plenary session resolution emphasizes that the reason why the Party can lead the people to complete arduous tasks that other political forces in China cannot complete through repeated explorations, setbacks, and explorations lies in adhering to the combination of the basic principles of Marxism with the specific realities of China and the integration with excellent traditional Chinese culture, adhering to the fact that practice is the sole criterion for testing truth, adhering to proceeding from reality, timely answering the questions of the times and the people, and continuously promoting the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism. Paying attention to the analysis, research, and summary of the Party's Sinicization and modernization of Marxism in the centenary struggle is an important content throughout the plenary session resolution, and we must thoroughly study and fully understand it.

　　We must recognize that Marxism points out the direction for the progress and development of human society, and is a powerful ideological weapon for us to understand the world, grasp laws, pursue truth, and transform the world. In the history of human thought, no ideological theory has had such a wide and profound impact on humanity as Marxism. From the publication of the Communist Manifesto to the present day, no matter how times change or science progresses, Marxism still occupies the commanding heights of truth and morality. Therefore, we say that Marxism is the fundamental guiding ideology for our Party's founding and governance, and is the soul and banner of the Party. At the same time, we must recognize that Marxist theory is not dogma, but an action guide, and must develop with the changes in practice. Whether Marxism can play a role in practice depends on whether it can combine the basic principles of Marxism with Chinese realities and the characteristics of the times.

　　Old China was a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country with extremely backward economy, science, and technology, and a large population. Choosing a path to lead the Chinese revolution to victory was an unprecedented problem in the history of the development of Marxism. The young Chinese Communist Party once simply applied the general principles of Marxism-Leninism on the proletarian revolution and copied the experience of the October Revolution in Russia's urban armed uprising, without fully considering China's national conditions and the realities of the Chinese revolution, which caused serious setbacks to the Chinese revolution. Comrade Mao Zedong was a great pioneer in the Sinicization of Marxism, creatively solving a series of major problems in the combination of the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with Chinese realities. At the enlarged Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Party in 1938, he first proposed the proposition of the Sinicization of Marxism: "The Sinicization of Marxism, making it carry Chinese characteristics in every manifestation, that is to say, applying it according to Chinese characteristics, is a problem that the whole Party urgently needs to understand and solve." After the founding of New China, Comrade Mao Zedong proposed to learn from the Soviet Union, to combine the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with the specific realities of China's socialist revolution and construction for a "second combination," and to "consider from all aspects how to act according to China's situation" and independently explore a socialist construction path suitable for China's national conditions. Entering the new era of reform and opening up, the Party has profoundly summarized the positive and negative experiences since the founding of New China, emancipated its thinking, sought truth from facts, profoundly revealed the essence of socialism, established the basic line of the primary stage of socialism, established the reform goals and basic framework of the socialist market economic system, and so on. At the beginning of reform and opening up, we often said that we should "kill a bloody path," but killing a bloody path also requires theoretical guidance. Without the Party's continuous promotion of the Sinicization and modernization of Marxism since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC, there would have been no vigorous situation of reform and opening up and socialist modernization.

　　Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party has comprehensively reviewed the new domestic and international situations, and systematically answered major epochal questions from the combination of theory and practice, such as what kind of socialism with Chinese characteristics to uphold and develop in the new era, how to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, what kind of powerful socialist modernized country to build, how to build a powerful socialist modernized country, what kind of long-term governing Marxist political party to build, and how to build a long-term governing Marxist political party. These answers have provided scientific theoretical guidance for promoting historical achievements and historic changes in the cause of the Party and the country. We have proposed advancing Chinese modernization; stated that China's economic development has entered a new normal; proposed basing ourselves on the new development stage, implementing the new development philosophy, and fostering a new development pattern; proposed promoting high-quality development; proposed letting the market play a decisive role in resource allocation and better leveraging the role of the government; proposed winning the decisive battle against poverty and building a moderately prosperous society in all respects; proposed developing whole-process people's democracy, advancing law-based governance in all respects, and modernizing the national governance system and governance capacity; proposed promoting the all-round development of people and common prosperity for all; proposed coordinating development and security; proposed the goal and strategy of building a strong military in the new era; proposed safeguarding and implementing the central government's overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong and Macao; proposed fostering new forms of human civilization; proposed jointly building the Belt and Road Initiative; proposed advancing major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, promoting a new type of international relations, and building a community with a shared future for mankind; and proposed upholding and strengthening the Party's overall leadership, implementing the strategic principle of exercising full and rigorous self-governance over the Party, and leading a great social revolution through a great self-revolution. All these proposals are put forward based on careful consideration, scientific judgment, and deep reflection on the development and changes in contemporary China and today's world, providing scientific theoretical guidance for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era.

　　Facing a rapidly changing world and China, if we stick to old ways, our thinking becomes rigid, and we lack the courage for theoretical innovation, failing to scientifically answer the questions of China, the world, the people, and the times, not only will the cause of the Party and the country fail to advance, but Marxism will also lose its vitality and persuasiveness. Marxism has profoundly changed China, and China has also greatly enriched Marxism. Therefore, when discussing the historical significance of the Party's hundred-year struggle, the plenum resolution emphasized that the continuous success in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times has presented Marxism in a brand-new image to the world, bringing about a major shift in the historical evolution and competition between the two ideologies, socialism and capitalism, and the two social systems worldwide, in favor of socialism.

　　The development of practice is endless, and our efforts to adapt Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times are also endless. When treating Marxism, one should not adopt a dogmatic attitude, nor a pragmatic attitude, but rather should treat science with a scientific attitude and pursue truth with the spirit of truth.

　　Contemporary China is undergoing the most magnificent and unique practical innovation in human history. The tasks of reform, development, and stability are unprecedentedly heavy, the contradictions, risks, and challenges are unprecedentedly numerous, and the tests of governance are unprecedentedly great. The profound changes in a world undergoing unprecedented changes in a century have brought forth a large number of theoretical and practical questions urgently awaiting answers. The task of advancing the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times has not become lighter, but heavier. We must accurately grasp the general trend of the times, bravely stand at the forefront of human development, listen to the voices of the people, respond to real needs, adhere to emancipating the mind, seeking truth from facts, and upholding fundamental principles while breaking new ground. We must better unify upholding Marxism and developing Marxism, persist in using the

　　"Heaven moves with the new, man lives with the new." We must analyze changes and constants truthfully, and examine our theories with the times: uphold what should be upheld, adjust what should be adjusted, and innovate what should be innovated. We must never wait idly for opportunities or act blindly. We often say that leading cadres currently face a problem of

　　In short, the times are developing, and the cause is progressing. We cannot simply apply what Marx, Engels, and Lenin said more than a hundred years ago to today's Chinese reality, nor can we simply apply some specific theoretical views put forward by the Party in the past and the specific policies and measures derived from them to today's work. If everything must conform to what was said more than a hundred years ago or decades ago, without daring to cross the line and only being able to follow in lockstep, how can we advance?! That is not true Marxism!

　　 Second question: Correctly grasping the principal social contradiction and central task

　　The ancients said:

　　This plenum resolution comprehensively analyzes the Party's ability to grasp the principal social contradiction and central task to drive overall work. It emphasizes that in modern China, the principal contradictions were between imperialism and the Chinese nation, and between feudalism and the broad masses of the people, and that the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation required anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggles; it emphasizes that after the basic completion of China's socialist transformation, the principal domestic contradiction was between the people's need for rapid economic and cultural development and the inability of the then-economic and cultural conditions to satisfy the people's needs, and the main task of the entire nation was to concentrate efforts on developing social productive forces, achieving national industrialization, and gradually satisfying the people's growing material and cultural needs; it emphasizes that after reform and opening up, China's principal social contradiction was between the people's growing material and cultural needs and backward social production, and resolving this principal contradiction was our central task; it emphasizes that in the new era, China's principal social contradiction is between the people's growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development, and that we must adhere to the people-centered development philosophy, implement the new development philosophy, foster a new development pattern, promote high-quality development, and achieve more obvious and substantive progress in the all-round development of people and common prosperity for all. The focus on analyzing and summarizing the Party's research and grasp of China's principal social contradictions and central tasks throughout its hundred-year struggle is an important content running through the plenum resolution, which we must study in depth and comprehend fully.

　　In his work "On Contradiction," Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out: "The study of various imbalances in contradictions, the study of the principal and non-principal contradictions, and the principal and non-principal aspects of contradictions, has become one of the important methods for revolutionary parties to correctly determine their political and military strategic and tactical guidelines, and is something that all communists should pay attention to." In modern times, the social contradictions in China have been intricate and complex, including contradictions between imperialism and the Chinese nation, between feudalism and the people, between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, and within the reactionary ruling class. The contradiction between imperialism and the Chinese nation was the principal contradiction among all contradictions. During the Great Revolution, the Party clearly stated that the main contradiction in Chinese society was that between imperialism and the Chinese nation, establishing the central task of "overthrowing the warlords and defeating the imperialists." It led the people in the surging tide of the Great Revolution. During the Land Revolution, the Party recognized that the main contradiction in Chinese society had transformed into that between the new warlords of the Kuomintang and the people, and it promptly adjusted its central task, launching land revolution, armed struggle, and base area construction. After the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Party proposed that the contradiction between Japanese imperialism and the Chinese nation had risen to become the main contradiction. Centered on the task of establishing a united national anti-Japanese front and defeating Japanese imperialism, it guided the direction of the Chinese resistance and became the mainstay of the national war of resistance. During the War of Liberation, the Party recognized that the contradiction between the Chinese people and the Kuomintang reactionaries supported by US imperialism had become the main contradiction. It put forward the slogan "Overthrow Chiang Kai-shek and liberate all of China," and under the guidance of this central task, it won the great victory of the War of Liberation and established New China. After the founding of New China, the Party, based on the changing developments of the Party and state's undertakings, continuously made new judgments on the main contradictions in Chinese society, and on this basis, put forward the Party's central tasks, pushing the cause of the Party and the people forward continuously.

　　Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, through scientific analysis, the Party has recognized that the principal contradiction in Chinese society has transformed into that between the people's ever-growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development. This is a major strategic judgment made by the Party based on the constantly changing new characteristics of China's primary stage of socialism. The change in the principal contradiction in Chinese society in the new era, while not changing our judgment on the historical stage of Chinese socialism, is a historical change of overall significance, focusing on the new characteristic of unbalanced and inadequate development in China. The Party has deeply understood the new requirements brought about by the change in the principal contradiction in Chinese society in the new era, scientifically formulated routes, principles, policies, and work plans, and promoted the solution of the problem of unbalanced and inadequate development from all aspects, so as to better meet the people's ever-growing needs for a better life.

　　In the face of complex situations, complex contradictions, and arduous tasks, it is impossible to do a good job without prioritizing and distinguishing between primary and secondary issues. In particular, if there is a misjudgment of the principal contradiction in society, it will cause serious harm, even subversive harm, to the cause of the Party and the state. For example, the completely erroneous estimation of China's class situation and the political situation of the Party and the state led to the launch of the "Cultural Revolution," resulting in ten years of turmoil and causing the Party, the state, and the people to suffer the most serious setbacks and losses since the founding of New China. We must have a global perspective, have a clear understanding of various contradictions, and at the same time, focus on the principal contradiction and central tasks, giving priority to resolving the principal contradiction and the principal aspect of the contradiction, thereby driving the resolution of other contradictions. Through overall advancement, we will achieve breakthroughs in key areas, using these breakthroughs to drive an overall leap in the level of economic and social development, and continuously advance towards the goal of building a strong socialist modern country.

　　 The third question: Attaching importance to strategic and tactical issues

　　Strategic issues are fundamental issues for a political party and a country. If the judgment on strategy is accurate, the strategic planning is scientific, and the strategic initiative is won, then the cause of the Party and the people will have great hope. For a hundred years, the Party has always been able to strategically understand, analyze, and judge the major historical issues it faces at major historical junctures, formulating correct political strategies and tactics. This is a powerful guarantee for the Party to overcome countless risks and challenges and continuously move from victory to victory.

　　The resolution of this plenary session makes a comprehensive summary of the Party's high attention to strategic and tactical issues and its continuous proposal of scientific strategies and tactics in the course of its hundred-year struggle. It emphasizes that in the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the Party's clear shift from attacking large cities to encircling the countryside was a new starting point of decisive significance for the Chinese revolution; that the Party implemented the correct policy of the united national anti-Japanese front, put forward and implemented the overall strategic guideline of protracted war and a complete set of strategic and tactical principles of people's war; that in the face of the all-out civil war launched by the Kuomintang reactionaries, the Party led the broad masses of the army and the people to gradually shift from active defense to strategic offense; that in the period of socialist revolution and construction, the Party promoted the transition from new democracy to socialism, putting forward a series of strategies and tactics in terms of politics, economy, and military affairs, putting forward the general line of the transition period, adjusting its diplomatic strategy according to the times, putting forward the strategy of dividing the three worlds, and continuously promoting socialist revolution and construction; that in the new period of reform and opening up, the Party led the strategic shift of the Party and state's work center, formulated a development strategy of three steps to basically realize socialist modernization by the middle of the 21st century, and put forward that peace and development are the themes of the current era; that in the new era, the Party has comprehensively grasped the overall strategic situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the major changes unseen in a century in the world, and clearly stated that it is necessary to adhere to the Party's basic theories, basic line, and basic strategies, to take charge of the great struggle, great project, great cause, and great dream, to enhance the "four consciousnesses," strengthen the "four confidences," and achieve the "two safeguards," to comprehensively promote the overall layout of "five in one" and coordinate the strategic layout of "four comprehensives," to adhere to the general work guideline of seeking progress through stability, and to put forward a series of original new strategies for governing the country. Analyzing and summarizing the Party's research and grasp of strategies and tactics in its hundred-year struggle is an important content running through the plenary session resolution, and we must study it in depth and fully understand it.

　　Strategy is making judgments and decisions from a global, long-term, and overall perspective. Comrade Mao Zedong once vividly described this issue, saying: "Sitting in the command post, if you can't see anything, you can't be called a leader. Sitting in the command post, only seeing the large and common things that have already appeared on the horizon, that's commonplace, and it can't be considered leadership either. Only when many obvious things have not yet appeared, when the top of the mast is just emerging, can you see that this is going to develop into a large and common thing, and can grasp it, this is called leadership." The kind of leadership Comrade Mao Zedong talked about is strategic leadership.

　　After Japan launched the full-scale war of aggression against China, the Chinese nation faced an unprecedented crisis, and the most pressing concern for the people of the whole country was: Can this war be won? How can victory be achieved? It was Comrade Mao Zedong who scientifically answered this question. In his article "On Protracted War," published in 1938, he analyzed the four characteristics of the War of Resistance Against Japan: the enemy is strong and we are weak, the enemy is regressing and we are progressing, the enemy has a small territory and a small population while we have a large territory and a large population, and the enemy is losing the moral high ground and has few allies while we are righteous and have many allies. He accurately predicted the three stages of the War of Resistance Against Japan, from defense to stalemate, and finally to counter-offensive, and systematically put forward the forces and strategic and tactical principles for winning the war of resistance, giving the people of the whole country a clear understanding of the process and future of the war of resistance, and greatly strengthening the confidence of the army and people of the whole country in persisting in the war of resistance.

　　During the Seventh National Congress of the Party in 1945, when discussing the future of the Party after the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, Comrade Mao Zedong said: "From the perspective of our Party and the immediate future of the Chinese revolution, Northeast China is particularly important. If we lose all our existing base areas, as long as we have Northeast China, the Chinese revolution will have a solid foundation. Of course, if we don't lose other base areas and we also have Northeast China, the foundation of the Chinese revolution will be even more solid." After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, our Party quickly mobilized 20,000 cadres and 110,000 troops to seize Northeast China. Of the 77 central committee members and alternate central committee members elected at the Seventh National Congress, 20 were sent to work in Northeast China. What a far-sighted strategic decision! Subsequent developments also proved how important a role this strategic decision played in the victory of the War of Liberation.

　　We are a large party, leading a large country, undertaking a great cause, and must never make strategic mistakes. Minor aspects may be overlooked, and the occurrence of various errors is difficult to completely avoid. Such errors involve minor issues, have a limited impact, and are relatively easy to correct. However, if there are deviations in strategy, the consequences will be severe, and the cost will be high. The Party has suffered painful lessons in its early days. The fifth counter-encirclement campaign in the Central Revolutionary Base Area was due to a misjudgment in strategy, failing to see the disparity in the strength of the enemy and ourselves, attempting to 'keep the enemy out of the country,' resulting in a huge price. Therefore, I have always emphasized that leading cadres must be adept at strategic thinking, and at viewing and considering issues from a strategic perspective.

　　The ancients said: "With a definite strategy, there will be definite achievements. Strategy cannot be hastily decided, and achievements cannot be achieved by luck." A correct strategy requires correct tactics to implement. To achieve victory in all aspects of the struggle, we must not only have strategic planning and firm will, but also tactics, wisdom, and methods. Tactics serve the strategy under strategic guidance. Strategy and tactics are dialectically unified. Combining the firmness of strategy with the flexibility of tactics, we must maintain a high position and work practically. We must grasp the direction, major issues, and long-term planning, while also grasping the entry points and focal points of the work. We must consider both the big picture and the details. Without sufficient strategic determination and tactical vitality, it is easy to become hesitant, vacillating, and at a loss, thus missing development opportunities.

　　In the later stages of the Liberation War, the Party led the land reform, a strategic measure to win the support of the broad masses of peasants. However, how to put it into practice required the adoption of practical policies and measures. At the beginning, the land reform work was somewhat chaotic, and some places were somewhat 'left,' which was later corrected in time. Comrade Mao Zedong proposed that different strategies should be adopted according to different regions. The first type is the old liberated areas before the surrender of Japan, where land had been largely distributed, and only some adjustments were needed. The second type is the areas liberated from the surrender of Japan to August 1947 before the great counter-offensive, where the land law was fully applicable, and land was universally and thoroughly distributed. The third type is the newly liberated areas after the great counter-offensive, where the masses had not yet been mobilized, and the land law should not be attempted to be implemented at once, but should be implemented in two stages. It was precisely the implementation of correct and differentiated tactics that made the entire land reform proceed smoothly, and the Party won the sincere support of the broad masses of peasants in both old and new liberated areas.

　　Various regions and departments should align their work ideas, deployments, and policy measures with the Party's theories, lines, principles, and policies, and promptly correct deviations. Strategic decisions made by the Central Committee of the Party must be unconditionally implemented to ensure that they are not deviated from, altered, or distorted. It is necessary for various regions and departments to formulate strategies based on their own actual conditions when implementing the Party Central Committee's strategic decisions. At the same time, it should be noted that some of the strategies proposed may be in line with the central strategy, while others may deviate from it. Therefore, it is necessary to promptly summarize and evaluate, and adjustments should be made for any deviations.

　　 The Fourth Question: Forever Maintaining the Marxist Party Nature of the Party

　　In the course of a century of struggle, the Party has led the people to achieve one great achievement after another and overcome one difficulty after another. Having undergone countless trials and tribulations, it remains vigorous and enjoys the support and approval of the people. This is because the Party dares to face its own problems, is courageous in self-revolution, always maintains its advanced nature and purity, continuously enhances its creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness, and forever maintains its Marxist party nature.

　　The resolution of this plenary session makes a comprehensive summary of the Party's high attention to Party governance and its continuous advancement of self-revolution in the course of a century of struggle. It emphasizes that during the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the Party implemented and promoted the great project of Party building, adhering to the principle of building the Party primarily from an ideological perspective, striving to build a nationwide, mass-based, and ideologically, politically, and organizationally completely consolidated Marxist party, achieving unprecedented unity and solidarity throughout the Party in ideology, politics, and organization; it emphasizes that during the period of socialist revolution and construction, the Party put forward major issues concerning Party building under the conditions of governance, strengthening Party building ideologically, organizationally, and in terms of style, consolidating Party leadership, upholding the "two musts," and being highly vigilant against and actively preventing the corruption and degeneration of Party cadres; it emphasizes that during the new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, the Party adhered to the principle that governing the country must begin with governing the Party, and that governing the Party must be strict, creating and advancing a new great project of Party building, focusing on resolving the problems of impure ideology, style, and organization within the Party, focusing on resolving the two historical issues of improving the Party's leadership and governance capabilities, and improving its ability to resist corruption, prevent degeneration, and withstand risks, promoting the Party's capacity building for governance and advanced nature; it emphasizes that in the new era, the Party has clearly defined the strategic approach of comprehensively and strictly governing the Party, put forward the overall requirements for Party building in the new era, comprehensively promoted the political, ideological, organizational, style, and disciplinary construction of the Party, integrating institutional construction, implementing the political responsibility of governing the Party, adhering to the principle of no forbidden zones, full coverage, and zero tolerance in anti-corruption, integrating comprehensively and strictly governing the Party into all aspects of Party building, using great self-revolution to lead great social revolution, and so on. The Sixth Plenary Session resolution summarizes the historical significance of the Party's century-long struggle, with the fifth point being the forging of the Communist Party of China that is at the forefront of the times; it summarizes the historical experience of the Party's century-long struggle, with the tenth point being the adherence to self-revolution, emphasizing that the courage to engage in self-revolution is a significant mark that distinguishes the Communist Party of China from other political parties, and that the spirit of self-revolution is a powerful support for the Party's eternal youth and vitality. Paying attention to the analysis and summary of the Party's research and understanding of self-revolution in the course of its century-long struggle is an important content running through the resolution of the plenary session, and we must study it in depth and fully understand it.

　　Under new historical conditions, the key to forever maintaining the Marxist party nature of the Party still depends on our Party itself. Therefore, at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Party, I emphasized how our Party, with such a long history, such a large scale, and such a long period of governance, can break free from the historical cycle of governance, chaos, and rise and fall? Comrade Mao Zedong gave the first answer in the caves of Yan'an, which is that only by letting the people supervise the government can the government not slack off. Through a century of struggle, especially the new practices since the 18th National Congress of the Party, our Party has given a second answer, which is self-revolution.

　　At the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, I said that the Communist Party of China never represents the interests of any interest group, any power group, or any privileged class. This statement was reiterated in the resolution of the Sixth Plenary Session. At last year's democratic life meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, I again spoke about this issue, emphasizing that senior Party cadres have considerable leadership, decision-making, and command power. If their positions are unstable, their "three views" are incorrect, and their self-discipline is lax, they are easily prone to deviations in politics and policies, unknowingly or even willingly becoming spokespersons for various interest groups, power groups, and privileged classes, the consequences of which are extremely serious! On the fundamental issue of whom we govern for, whom we use power for, and whom we seek benefits for, our minds must be exceptionally clear, and our positions must be exceptionally firm. All Party members must be clear about morality, uphold public morality, and strictly observe personal morality, being honest and upright in their conduct, doing things cleanly, being selfless and dedicated, and cultivating frugality, forever maintaining their clean and honest political nature.

　　Those in power should prioritize the integrity of their officials." Self-revolution requires a conscious awareness of problems and the courage to be self-critical. Integrity and anti-corruption are issues I have spoken about most frequently, because corruption is far from eradicated. Now, the anti-corruption campaign has achieved a decisive victory and has been comprehensively consolidated, but problems such as engaging in "seven things that should not be done," seeking personal gain through power, trading power for money, bribery, and oppression of the people still exist within the Party. Therefore, at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, I particularly emphasized that all Party comrades must always maintain the spirit of self-revolution, enhance their political awareness that the Party's strict self-governance is a continuous process, and must never develop complacency about the strict measures already in place! Party conduct and anti-corruption efforts are a continuous process, and we cannot relax for a moment. We must continue to fight this tough and protracted battle with unwavering determination and persistence. Here, I will reiterate this point emphatically! The Party Central Committee's stance is very clear: anyone who violates Party discipline and national laws will be punished! In particular, those who seize the interests of the state and the people, erode the Party's governing foundation, and undermine the socialist state's power, and those who form political cliques, small circles, and interest groups within the Party will be investigated and dealt with without leniency!

　　 Fifth question: Promoting the normalization and long-term effectiveness of Party history learning and education

　　The resolution of this plenary session provides a comprehensive summary of the Party's emphasis on Party history learning and education throughout its century-long struggle, emphasizing that the whole Party must adhere to the materialistic view of history and the correct view of Party history, to understand from the Party's century-long struggle why we were able to succeed in the past and how we can continue to succeed in the future, so as to more firmly and consciously fulfill our original mission and better uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era. This is an important political task put forward by the Sixth Plenary Session, and we must continue to implement it.

　　Don't think that the resolution of the Sixth Plenary Session is easy to understand; this is not the case. The previous two historical resolutions and a series of important Party documents have already extensively discussed major events, important meetings, and important figures in the Party's history before the 18th National Congress of the CPC, and have drawn serious conclusions. This plenary session's resolution upholds these basic arguments and conclusions. At the same time, the Party's third historical resolution also reflects our new understanding of the Party's century-long struggle. The resolution makes use of the achievements of basic works on Party history and the mature academic research results of the Party history community to form a series of important new conclusions and expressions. For example, it improved the description of the stages of the Party's history during the period of the New Democratic Revolution in the first and second historical resolutions, defining the four stages of the Party during the New Democratic Revolution as "the early days of the Party's founding and the Great Revolution," "the period of the Land Revolution War," "the period of the Anti-Japanese War," and "the period of the Liberation War." The second historical resolution stated that during the period of the New Democratic Revolution, the Party "experienced four stages: the Northern Expedition under the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the Land Revolution War, the Anti-Japanese War, and the War of Liberation." For example, it clearly identifies the "shift from attacking major cities to advancing into rural areas" as a "new turning point of decisive significance for the Chinese revolution." For example, combining the specific organizational arrangements of the Zunyi Conference and its significant historical significance, it realistically evaluates the conference as "having established, in fact, Comrade Mao Zedong's leadership position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army," adding that it "began to establish the correct Marxist line represented primarily by Comrade Mao Zedong in the leadership of the Party Central Committee, began to form the first generation of central leadership collective of the Party with Comrade Mao Zedong as the core, and opened a new stage for the Party to independently and autonomously solve the practical problems of the Chinese revolution," expanding the summary and conclusion of the significant meaning of the Zunyi Conference. For example, it connects the review and summary of the "14-year War of Resistance" to review the historical status and contributions of the Anti-Japanese War, modifying the second historical resolution's statement about the "eight years" of the Anti-Japanese War, setting the starting point of the Anti-Japanese War in 1931, marked by the September 18th Incident, and comprehensively reviewing and summarizing the historical contributions and significance of the 14-year War of Resistance led by the Party. For example, for the first time in a historical resolution, it includes the view that "in the revolutionary struggle, the Party carried forward the great founding spirit of upholding truth, upholding ideals, fulfilling its original aspirations, shouldering its mission, fearing no sacrifice, bravely fighting, being loyal to the Party, and serving the people." For example, it expands the "eight points of clarification" summarized in the report of the 19th National Congress of the CPC to "ten points of clarification." It lists "the leadership of the Communist Party of China" as the first "clarification"; it adds a seventh "clarification": it is necessary to uphold and improve the basic economic system of socialism, allow the market to play a decisive role in resource allocation, better play the role of the government, grasp the new stage of development, implement the new development concept, and build a new development pattern; the tenth "clarification": the strategic guideline of exercising full and strict governance over the Party, putting forward the general requirements for Party building in the new era, and leading the great social revolution with great self-revolution. In addition, the second "clarification" adds the expression "promoting the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-style modernization"; the third "clarification" adds the expression "developing whole-process people's democracy" and "achieving more obvious and substantial progress in common prosperity for all people." We must deeply study and understand these new conclusions and expressions to better understand and grasp the major achievements and historical experiences of the Party's century-long struggle.

　　I have always attached great importance to the learning, education, and publicity of Party history. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, I have delivered speeches at symposiums and conferences commemorating the 120th anniversary of Comrade Mao Zedong's birth, the 110th anniversary of Comrade Deng Xiaoping's birth, the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Long March, the 100th anniversary of the May Fourth Movement, the 75th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War, and the 70th anniversary of the Chinese People's Volunteers' participation in the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea, as well as at conferences celebrating the 95th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, the 90th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army, the 40th anniversary of reform and opening up, the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China, and the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, putting forward clear requirements for the learning, education, and publicity of Party history, the history of New China, the history of reform and opening up, and the history of socialist development.